Page 300 - Conflitti Militari e Popolazioni Civili - Tomo II
P. 300

802                                XXXIV Congresso della CommIssIone InternazIonale dI storIa mIlItare • CIHm

           aspects of our reasoning. It confutes partly, the analyses recognizing in the end of the Cold
           War as a clean fracture between “old” and “new” conflicts and underlines its elements of
           continuity. In addition, it gives us the opportunity to really understand the remarkable “adap-
           tive abilities” of this conflict that have permitted it to conform itself successfully to the deep
           transformations not only of the Colombian society but of the whole global society. In order
           to avoid banal simplifications or partial readings of the conflict, the aim of this analysis is,
           therefore, to adequately report the complexity of the phenomenon in examination through the
           reconstruction of its fundamental stages and of the salient aspects of the involved actors.
           As mentioned above, the first deep laceration of the Colombian society started in the second
           half of the 1940s, that is, in the so called Violencia period, characterized by the violent explo-
           sion of the historical opposition between liberals and conservatories. One of the causes of the
           clash intensification, inside a society already strongly worn out by social conflicts and frus-
           trations of the most uncomfortable classes, was the assassination of the representative of the
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           liberal party’s radical wing and presidential candidate on 9  April 1948, who had proposed a
           social reform project threatening to subvert the status quo. Officially the civil war ended in
           1957 thanks to an agreement between the two parts that led to the birth of the so-called Na-
           tional Front, a sort of pact among the two formations that shared out the power excluding any
           other alternative force from the political life. The suffocation of any legal demonstration of
           political dissent made the insurgent fight the only outlet for opposition, determining the birth
           of the first extreme left guerrilla formations, some of which resonated from the preceding
           liberal guerrillas. This process of insurgent groups’ formation culminated in the mid-1960’s,
           with the Farc’s birth, the principal insurgent organization, and in fact, since then it is usually
           considered the date of the beginning of the current Colombian conflict.
              But who are the Colombian conflict actors? Initially, in the mid-1960s, the clash saw the
           State substantially contrasted by three guerrillas groups, the Farc, the eln (ejercito de lib-
           eración Nacional - Nacional Liberation Army) and the Epl (Ejercito Popular de Liberacion
           – Popular Liberation Army). Later the situation became more complicated, not only because
           of the birth of other smaller guerrilla formations , but above all because of a new actor’s ap-
                                                   33
           pearance in the early 1980s, the paramilitary groups, in a counter-insurgent position.
              We will focus our attention mainly on the two most powerful illegal formations that,
           together with the State, are the principal protagonists of this long war: the Farc and later the
           Auc, the principal paramilitary organization which, in accord with the Uribe government
           has accepted to start the process of demobilization beginning in 2006. Through the analysis
           of both groups, insurgent and paramilitary, we will try to give a more complete picture of
           the phenomenon considering inevitably, even though not in an exhaustive way for evident
           synthesis reasons, fundamental aspects as the role of the narcotrafficking, the governmental
           policies and the internal repercussions of external actors’ action .
              The originary Farc’s nucleus dates back to the first self-defense groups, spawning in the


           33   For instance the Quintin Lame, the PRT, the MIR Patria Libre and also the M-19 an insurgent organization
               pertaining to the so called “second generation” of insurgency that tried to use political and social tools in the
               struggle. The M-19 performed spectacular actions against the State and was later reintegrated in the civil so-
               ciety thanks to the negotiations with the Barco Government in 1990. On an armed insurgency periodization
               until 1989 see Pizarro L.E.:“La insurgencia armada: raìces y perspectivas” in Sànchez e Peñaranda, 2007.
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